WHY ROWLEY IS RIDING OUT THE LATEST POLITICAL STORM

THE attempt to rally the society over the scandalous Vincent Nelson Affair reminds me of the time, in my youth, when I tried to swim. 

I flailed my hands and feet in the water but when I lifted my head, I found I had barely moved. 

The Nelson disgrace is doubtlessly worse than the Section 34 saga, but Dr. Keith Rowley, as Opposition Leader in 2012, had led thousands of incensed protestors onto the streets. 

Today’s parliamentary opposition has spoken eloquently and consistently on the Nelson scandal, which piles upon the crises of the highest poverty and jobless rates since the mid-1980s and the worst crime spree in history. 

“What the hell that have to do with Cabinet?” Rowley barked at the media when challenged on Nelsongate 

The Express and a bare few commentators aside, the weak-kneed media retreated to their familiar cocoon, mortally afraid of provoking the Prime Minister’s ire. 

The Opposition, meanwhile, is marketing the Nelson shame as “the biggest political scandal in 60 years.” 

But labour unions, whose basis for existing is to advocate working class issues, have lost their collective voice, joining self-serving business groups, faith organisations, academics and other interest bodies. 

Rowley, for his part, celebrated his 73^rd birthday – at taxpayers’ expense – in Tobago, in the process, slighting another honoured invitation to address the largest Divali festival in the Caribbean. 

In a land of widening ethnic and religious cleavages, an inclusive leader would have embraced the opportunity to attend and issue the appropriate message of harmony and solidarity. 

Not Rowley. 

He has a haughty way of staying aloof from matters he wants to snub and a calculated plan for retaining power. 

His shifting of Girl Friday Camille Robinson-Regis to the housing portfolio was aimed at executing a political plan not delivered by the moderate Pennelope Beckles-Robinson. 

Thousands of precious seedlings would be uprooted at the treasured St. Augustine Nurseries, to be replaced with housing apartments that would secure the swing St. Joseph constituency. 

This is taking place amid a global food crisis, with T&T importing $6 billion worth each year and having signed onto the Mottley-Ali Caricom Food Plan. 

It has taken the conscientious Pundit Rudranath Maharaj, of Todd Street Mandir, to alert the nation to the government’s nefarious plans to stick a housing scheme in a crowded San Fernando district. 

The apartments, crammed with flag-waving party loyalists, would safeguard the divisive Member of Parliament Faris Al Rawi. 

There is no political mobilisation on this and other pressing social and economic issues, even as the poor get poorer and the middle class evaporates. 

For its part, the government has certain traditional institutions and commentators either feeding heartily at the trough or depending upon State support. 

State largesse runs far and deep. 

Government contracts, in the continued absence of procurement legislation, nourish several vital organisations, including the parent company of a large media house. 

Look at the shameful reluctance of the legal profession to enter the Nelson impasse. 

The sage Lloyd Best told us years ago that there are nine ethnic tribes in T&T, and the parliamentary opposition must question whether it effectively represents and provides a safe haven to each. 

The path to political prosperity begins with a clear understanding of this complex and diverse society, in which each tribe has ingrained interests and painful insecurities. 

The active leadership involvement of Jack Warner, David Abdulah, Errol McLeod, and others a decade ago sent a subliminal message that the aspirations of the East-West Corridor would be honoured. 

In its current configuration, is there visible presence, for example, by Garveyites, urban Black grassroots? 

Many are fed up with the unending hardship at the hands of the only party they have ever loved. 

Born-again Christians are in one of the fastest-growing religious fraternities, and conventional wisdom suggests that they be offered a political sanctuary. 

Gerrymandered electoral constituencies have kept Rowley’s party in office, but the challenger cannot be a similar monolith. 

Conquering the PNM requires the credible big tent that Basdeo Panday had briefly fostered, with participatory roles for urban culture, lifestyle and ambitions as much as rural ideals. 

It calls for a comprehensive communications plan that reaches all people on life-and-death, bread-and-butter issues. 

Rowley appreciates the current inability of his opponents to rouse the nation against his serial maladministration, and that is why he is cavalier about the Nelson scandal. 

But circumstances could change. 

Equally, though, Rowley is making over his party, including replacing the unpopular Colm Imbert as chairman, dishing out goodies, and securing marginal seats. 

By the way, I eventually improved my freestyle swimming skills, though not exactly to medallist Dylan Carter’s competence.